{"id":5704,"date":"2025-09-04T22:13:50","date_gmt":"2025-09-04T14:13:50","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/acas.world\/?p=5704"},"modified":"2025-09-18T23:55:10","modified_gmt":"2025-09-18T15:55:10","slug":"the-representation-and-development-of-fan-culture-in-chinese-animation","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/acas.world\/ja\/2025\/09\/04\/the-representation-and-development-of-fan-culture-in-chinese-animation\/","title":{"rendered":"The Representation and Development of Fan Culture in Chinese Animation"},"content":{"rendered":"

By Mengxue Wei<\/strong><\/p>\n

When discussing 21st-century Chinese animation, it is impossible to overlook the animated film Monkey King: Hero Is Back<\/em> (2015). The film\u2019s journey was nothing short of legendary, grossing a total of 956 million RMB at the box office and convincingly proving the commercial viability of Chinese animation. Before the release of Monkey King: Hero Is Back<\/em>, Chinese animated productions often struggled with funding shortages, leading many projects to halt production. However, in the wake of the film\u2019s success, major companies quickly recognized the economic potential of the animation industry. In 2016 alone, there were 149 investment and financing deals in Chinese animation, totaling more than 4.6 billion RMB.[1]<\/a> Today, Chinese animation has developed a relatively mature market. Animated character stands are commonly displayed in shopping malls (see Figure 1), and a wide variety of animation-related products continue to emerge (see Figure 2).<\/p>\n

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Fig 1: Character stands of the Chinese animation Link Click<\/em> (2021) in a shopping mall (photo taken by the author).<\/p>\n

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Fig 2: Animation products of the Chinese animation The Legend of Hei<\/em> (2019) in a retail store (photo taken by the author).<\/p>\n

This success can be largely attributed to Chinese animation fans, who have devoted considerable effort, financial resources, and emotional investment to supporting the industry. It was their spontaneous promotion and steadfast support that enabled Monkey King: Hero Is Back<\/em>\u2014which initially received just 7.25% of opening-day screenings and was largely overlooked by theaters\u2014to reverse its fortunes and ultimately create a miracle in the history of Chinese animation. This achievement, in turn, attracted significant capital investment and paved the way for the release of more high-quality domestic animations. The formation of the Chinese animation fan base was not an overnight occurrence but rather the result of a long process of accumulation and evolution. From the perspective of fan culture, the history of Chinese animation can be divided into three distinct periods.<\/p>\n

The Latent Period of Fan Culture in Chinese Animation (1923\u20131989)<\/strong>
\nThe earliest history of Chinese animation production dates to the 1920s. Representative works from this period include the short films Suspend<\/em> (1923) by artist Yang Zuotao, The Dog\u2019s Party<\/em> (1924) by cartoonist Huang Wennong, and The Studio Uproar<\/em> (1927) by the Wan Brothers. At the time, the concept of \u201canimation\u201d had not yet been introduced, and these short films were commonly referred to as \u201cmoving humorous pictures.\u201d This term offers insight into the creative positioning of early Chinese animation: the deliberate inclusion of the word \u201chumorous\u201d within the broader category of \u201cmoving pictures\u201d reflects the fact that animations of this period were largely characterized by a comedic style.<\/p>\n

For instance, Shen Bao<\/em> praised The Dog\u2019s Party<\/em> for its \u201chighly humorous plot,\u201d[2]<\/a>and commended the Wan Brothers\u2019 The Studio Uproar<\/em> for its \u201cparticularly humorous storyline, which avoided the clich\u00e9s of ordinary comedies,\u201d[3]<\/a> noting that it contained \u201cmany humorous elements that left audiences laughing uncontrollably.\u201d[4]<\/a>The emphasis on \u201chumorous\u201d in the term \u201cmoving humorous picture\u201d was not only a reflection of the influence of foreign animations\u2014such as the lively and comedic styles of Mickey Mouse<\/em> and Donald Duck<\/em> (1924)\u2014but was also driven by commercial considerations.<\/p>\n

As detailed in the autobiography of Wan Guchan, one of the Wan Brothers, the financial challenges faced by early animators were immense, \u201cEven purchasing a basic camera exposed our financial struggles\u2014a movie camera was completely beyond our means. To address this, I had to leverage my connections in the film industry, persuading company owners to invest and collaborate. But to them, it was like throwing money into the Huangpu River; they either made excuses or gave us cold stares. We had no other options. Eventually, Great Wall Company agreed. They wanted to use animation to enhance their image but were hesitant to invest heavily in something so uncertain. They allocated a small budget and allowed us to use their movie camera during spare time to make animated films. We knew the funding was insufficient but dared not ask for more, fearing it might jeopardize the entire project.\u201d[5]<\/a><\/p>\n

This account reveals the cautious and conservative investment attitude that film companies generally held toward the emerging art form of animation. In such an environment, animators often prioritized creating comedic works in the hope of winning over audiences and reducing investment risks. The success of films like The Studio Uproar<\/em>, which received enthusiastic feedback\u2014being described as \u201cwidely popular with audiences\u201d[6]<\/a> and reported to have drawn both Chinese expatriates and American viewers when screened in major theaters in New York, San Francisco, and Chicago, with praises for its achievements\u2014demonstrates the effectiveness of this approach.[7]<\/a> By focusing on audience appeal, Chinese animation managed to establish an initial foothold and laid the groundwork for the development of fan culture.<\/p>\n

Unfortunately, with the onset of the 1930s and the impact of the Anti-Japanese War, Chinese animation creators shifted their focus from humor and wit to evoking patriotic fervor and resistance against the invaders. After the founding of the People\u2019s Republic of China in 1949, the Shanghai Animation Film Studio\u2019s adherence to the policy of \u201cserving children\u201d was primarily a response to state artistic guidelines rather than a genuine consideration of children\u2019s needs and interests. More importantly, during this period, the audience of Chinese animation remained largely voiceless, lacking channels to express their opinions or provide feedback on the films. Thus, although the period from 1923 to 1989 laid important groundwork for fan culture in Chinese animation, the seeds planted during these years remained largely dormant, leading to what can be termed the latent period of fan culture. <\/p>\n

The Emergence of Fan Culture in Chinese Animation (1990-2013)<\/strong><\/p>\n

In 1984, the Chinese government transitioned from a centrally planned economy to a market system. This reform marked a fundamental shift: whereas the state had previously determined resource allocation and planning\u2014with box office performance having little direct impact on production companies\u2014studios now began to bear their own financial risks and rewards. Consequently, the landscape of Chinese animation changed significantly. To attract viewers and stimulate consumption, animation studios increasingly focused on television animation between 1990 and 2013, actively incorporating audience feedback into their creative processes.<\/p>\n

A prominent example is the well-known Chinese TV animation Pleasant Goat and Big Big Wolf<\/em> (2005). The final designs of the main characters were determined not solely by the creative team, but through audience participation. After developing the \u201cwolves and sheep\u201d concept and creating various character styles, the team displayed these designs in elementary and preschool corridors, inviting students to vote.[8]<\/a> The most popular design became the version used in the animation.<\/p>\n

Additionally, the accessibility of television helped transform animation into a popular leisure product for children, cultivating the first generation of young animation enthusiasts in China.  [9]<\/a>More importantly, during the television animation era, the industry began exploring ways to convert fan enthusiasm into economic benefits through merchandise sales. A notable example is Sancheng Cartoon Group\u2019s 3000 Whys of Blue Cat<\/em> (1999). By selling products featuring characters such as \u201cBlue Cat,\u201d \u201cNaughty,\u201d and \u201cCurry,\u201d the group established nearly a hundred exclusive licensed stores across the country and reached a peak brand valuation of approximately 100 billion RMB.[10]<\/a><\/p>\n

Throughout the process of developing merchandise and experimenting with commercialization, Chinese animation creators identified a distinctive type of fan-audience relationship that set their works apart from other film and television products. Generally, the primary consumers of conventional screen media are \u201ctextual interpreters\u201d\u2014individuals whose viewing motivation and willingness to purchase related products derive from their interest in actors, costumes, props, or storylines. Those who lack interest in the content itself are unlikely to become consumers of its associated merchandise.<\/p>\n

However, because Chinese animation during this period primarily targeted a specific audience\u2014children\u2014its content strategies were tailored to young viewers, establishing children\u2019s animation as the mainstream category. Yet due to legal restrictions and practical realities, child audiences themselves generally lack independent purchasing power. As a result, the viewership of children\u2019s animation divides into two distinct consumer categories.<\/p>\n

The first category consists of children who actively engage with and are influenced by the content. These young viewers may become textual interpreters and develop a desire to purchase related products. Although they exhibit strong emotional attachment and consumption intent\u2014much like conventional fans\u2014their limited purchasing power and lack of accessible participation channels prevent them from fully recognizing or affirming their identity as fans. As such, they can be regarded as the idealized surface-level audience and an embryonic form of Chinese animation fans.<\/p>\n

The second category comprises parents who do not personally engage with the content nor derive viewing pleasure from it but are willing to purchase animation-related products to fulfill their children\u2019s wishes. This group constitutes the deeper, actual consumer base for children\u2019s animation. However, since these parents do not seek cultural meaning or fulfillment through the animation itself, they approach such products with a utilitarian mindset\u2014like buying ordinary toys. Their purchasing decisions are based primarily on whether the product will make their child happy and not cause harm, rather than on the cultural or narrative value of the animation.<\/p>\n

Overall, the narrow audience targeting during this period limited the depth and expansion of fan culture in Chinese animation. Nevertheless, this phase provided crucial experience that laid the groundwork for its subsequent development and maturation.<\/p>\n

The Formation of Fan Culture in Chinese Animation (2014\u2013Present) <\/strong><\/p>\n

In the 2010s, the widespread adoption of the Internet provided more efficient and accessible channels for communication between Chinese animation and its audience, significantly altering the industry\u2019s developmental trajectory. A pivotal moment in this evolution was the crowdfunding campaign for the Chinese web animation One Hundred Thousand Bad Jokes<\/em> (2014), which marked the formal emergence of fan culture in Chinese animation.<\/p>\n

What set One Hundred Thousand Bad Jokes<\/em> apart was its innovative strategy: after achieving popularity through online distribution, the creative team bypassed traditional avenues such as corporate investment or government funding. Instead, they turned directly to their fanbase through crowdfunding to finance the film adaptation. This made it the first successfully monetized crowdfunded movie in both Chinese cinema and animation history.<\/p>\n

The campaign set remarkable records, including raising over 1.3 million RMB from 5,431 supporters within just seven days,[11]<\/a> and achieving a box office revenue of 120 million RMB within 24 days of release.[12]<\/a>These achievements not only demonstrated the organizational power and financial capability of fans but also clearly reflected their high levels of enthusiasm and purchasing power.<\/p>\n

The success of One Hundred Thousand Bad Jokes<\/em> marked a turning point by awakening a previously passive or hidden segment of Chinese animation audiences, who had long lacked avenues for communication and participation. This newfound sense of collective identity and desire for engagement proved highly significant. It could even be argued that without the groundwork laid by One Hundred Thousand Bad Jokes<\/em>, the fan-driven momentum behind the following year\u2019s Monkey King: Hero Is Back<\/em> might not have achieved the same level of impact.<\/p>\n

The emergence of this fan phenomenon, catalyzed by these two groundbreaking works, brought about a profound transformation for both audiences and producers within the Chinese animation industry.<\/p>\n

On the one hand, during the formation of fan culture, Chinese animation audiences evolved from passive viewers to active participants who not only exhibited traits of \u201ctextual poachers\u201d (Jenkins 2012)[13]<\/a>\u2014appropriating and reworking official narratives\u2014but also demonstrated a rebellious spirit by vocally supporting their favored works. This resistance took two primary forms.<\/p>\n

The first involved challenging established animation evaluation systems. A notable case is the public perception shift surrounding The Story of Hongmao and Lantu<\/em> (2006). Hailed as a groundbreaking work in Chinese martial arts animation, the series initially achieved broad success thanks to its innovative themes, vivid characters, and engaging storyline. It was broadcast on over 500 television channels, and more than 15 million copies of its related books were sold.<\/p>\n

However, in January 2007, some parents began criticizing the show on Chinese online platforms, accusing it of containing vulgar humor, violent scenes, and pornographic undertones. They called for its immediate removal from the air \u201cfor the sake of the children,\u201d leading to its suspension by broadcasters on February 26. Although the series eventually returned to television after extensive edits, its quality and public reputation were severely diminished.<\/p>\n

Then, beginning around 2015, mature fan communities of The Story of Hongmao and Lantu<\/em> initiated efforts to rehabilitate the series\u2019 image. Through dedicated online forums, creative fan works, and organized promotional activities, these fans successfully reshaped public perception and restored the animation\u2019s cultural standing.<\/p>\n

The second form of resistance targeted animation rights holders and creators themselves. For example, fans of Scumbag System<\/em> (2020) and Douluo Continent<\/em> (2018) actively voiced their critiques on official Weibo accounts, calling for modifications to character designs that they felt clashed with fan aesthetics. Similarly, supporters of Heaven Official\u2019s Blessing<\/em> (2020) expressed strong dissatisfaction with the selected voice actors, arguing that the performances did not align with their perception of the characters and petitioning for recasting.<\/p>\n

Empowered by the internet, fans are increasingly able to challenge what Bourdieu\u2019s theory of symbolic domination describes as entrenched structures of cultural power\u2014where the tastes of socially dominant groups prevail due to unequal distributions of cultural and social capital.  [14]<\/a>These hierarchies, once largely unshakeable within traditional cultural industries, are now facing organized and public resistance from engaged fan communities.<\/p>\n

On the other hand, alongside the evolving role of the audience, animation rights holders and creators have also begun to acknowledge and respect the influence of fans, actively expressing gratitude and recognition for their support. For instance, whenever box office milestones are reached, official Weibo accounts of animated films such as Nezha: Birth of the Demon Child<\/em> (2019), The Legend of Hei<\/em> (2019), and Legend of Deification<\/em> (2020) release special celebratory images to thank their fanbase (see Figure 3).<\/p>\n

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Fig 3: Thank-you images released by Nezha: Birth of the Demon Child<\/em> (2019), The Legend of Hei<\/em> (2019), and Legend of Deification<\/em> (2020) after achieving box office success (images from the official Weibo accounts of the animations). <\/p>\n

Furthermore, many creators have started adapting their work in response to fan input. For example, following feedback from viewers, the production team of Scumbag System<\/em> revised its character animation models (Figure 4). Similarly, Douluo Continent<\/em> updated its animation models five times over four years to better satisfy fan expectations (Figure 5). In a more immediate response, the team behind Heaven Official\u2019s Blessing<\/em> decided to recast voice actors just one day after the initial announcement to address fan concerns.<\/p>\n

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Fig 4: Comparison of the same character model from Scumbag System<\/em> (2020) during the teaser phase (red background) and the official release (black background) (Image Source: Sina Weibo user \u201cFate\u2019s Everything Shop\u201d).<\/p>\n

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Fig 5: Different character models of the protagonist Tang San in the animation Douluo Continent<\/em> (2018).<\/p>\n

Conclusion<\/strong>
\nIn summary, while traditional animation scholarship often characterizes Chinese animation as targeting a singular audience of \u201cchildren,\u201d the reality is far more complex. The perception, positioning, and treatment of audiences by Chinese animation\u2014as well as the audiences themselves\u2014have evolved significantly across different developmental stages, resulting in distinct and shifting characteristics.<\/p>\n

Examining the rise and evolution of fan culture in Chinese animation reveals a crucial insight: for Chinese animation to become a global cultural brand\u2014comparable in influence to major international holidays or franchises\u2014it must actively harness the power of its fans. This explains why, despite the production of high-quality works during both the chaotic early years and the embryonic stages of fan culture, many animations failed to achieve sustained attention or broad cultural impact. Without meaningful engagement with fans or effective market cultivation, even exceptional works struggled to maintain momentum.<\/p>\n

It was only through the awakening of fan consciousness among both audiences and copyright holders that a mutually beneficial and dynamic animation ecosystem began to emerge\u2014one capable of supporting lasting artistic and commercial success.<\/p>\n

 [1]<\/a> People\u2019s Daily Online. \u201c\u2018The Rise of The Devil Child\u2019 Ignites Confidence in China\u2019s Animation Financing Market<\/em>,\u201d July 31 2019, accessed August 12 2024, https:\/\/baijiahao.baidu.com\/s?id=1642011043490556029&wfr=spider&for=pc<\/a><\/p>\n

[2]<\/a>  “Pen Drawing Film to be Produced,” Shen Bao<\/em> (Local Supplement), June 4, 1924.<\/p>\n

[3]<\/a>  “Great Wall Company\u2019s The Studio Uproar<\/em> Premieres in the U.S.,” Shen Bao (Local Supplement)<\/em>, September 30, 1927.<\/p>\n

 [4]<\/a> \u201cThe Moving Humorous Pictures of Great Wall Picture Company,<\/em>\u201d Shen Bao (Local Supplement)<\/em>, May 10, 1927.<\/p>\n

 [5]<\/a> Li Baochuan, A Study of Wan Laiming<\/em> (Chengdu: Sichuan Fine Arts Publishing House 2016), 14.<\/p>\n

[6]<\/a>  “Yang Zuotao Produces Humorous Cartoons,” Shen Bao<\/em>, January 28, 1924.<\/p>\n

 [7]<\/a>  “Great Wall Company\u2019s The Studio Uproar<\/em> Premieres in the U.S.,” Shen Bao (Local Supplement)<\/em>, September 30, 1927.<\/p>\n

 [8]<\/a> Mtime.com: “The \u2018Pleasant Goat and Big Big Wolf\u2019 Phenomenon and the Behind-the-Scenes Story of Its Success: Seven Steps to Success,” February 2 2010, accessed August 12, 2024, https:\/\/yule.sohu.com\/20100202\/n270002510_1.shtml<\/a><\/p>\n

 [9]<\/a> The emphasis on children as the primary audience for Chinese television animation stems from the impact of several key documents issued in 2004. These include the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China and the State Council\u2019s \u201cOpinions on Further Strengthening and Improving the Ideological and Moral Construction of Minors,\u201d as well as three directives from the General Administration of Press and Publication: the “Notice on Further Improving the Coverage of the CCTV Children\u2019s Channel,” the “Notice on Establishing Children’s Channels,” and the \u201cOpinions on Developing China\u2019s Film and Animation Industry.\u201d These documents tightly linked Chinese animation with children\u2019s channels, positioning them as the preferred cultural products for children.<\/p>\n

 [10]<\/a> Manga Insight: \u201cFrom a Valuation of 100 billion to Disappearing from the Spotlight: Why Did 3000 Whys of Blue Cat<\/em> Fall from Grace?\u201d August 30, 2018, accessed Aug 12 2024, https:\/\/www.sohu.com\/a\/250884728_100172716<\/a><\/p>\n

 [11]<\/a> One Hundred Thousand Bad Jokes<\/em> Official Animation Website, “Final Chapter of the Crowdfunding Project for the One Hundred Thousand Bad Jokes<\/em> Movie: A Look at the Sponsors”, March 29 2013, accessed Aug 12 2024, https:\/\/www.u17.com\/z\/zt\/10w\/news\/newsview.html?news_id=3708?b=0&s=0<\/a><\/p>\n

 [12]<\/a> Go Chao, “One Hundred Thousand Bad Jokes<\/em> Turns into a ‘Myth’ as the First Film of the Year to Break 100 Million at the Box Office,” Huaxi Metropolis Daily<\/em>, January 15 2015, accessed August 12 2024, https:\/\/tech.ifeng.com\/a\/20150115\/40944898_0.shtml<\/a><\/p>\n

 [13]<\/a> Henry Jenkins, Textual Poachers: Television Fans and Participatory Culture <\/em>(London: Routledge, 2012).<\/p>\n

 [14]<\/a> Pierre Bourdieu, The Rules of Art: Genesis and Structure of the Literary Field<\/em> (Redwood City: Stanford University Press, 1996).<\/p>\n

Bio:<\/strong><\/p>\n

Mengxue Wei is a lecturer at the School of Communication, Fujian Normal University. She received her Ph.D. in Art Theory from Zhejiang University in 2023. Dr. Wei\u2019s research spans film and television culture, media studies, and audience research, with a particular interest in interdisciplinary approaches drawing on communication and sociology.<\/p>\n

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